HATE speech, the new buzzword in Nigeria, is of course an overarching term that embraces speech, songs, poetry and even body language, and much more. Given the rate Nigerians are provoking one another without fear of retribution, and exuding deep-seated animosities and barely concealed rage, it is not surprising that a hate song composed so amateurishly but produced somewhat elegantly somewhere in the North has gone viral. The song excoriates the Igbo in unparalleled, inflammable language. After listening to the song and reading and digesting the lyrics, it is stupefying to note that such bigotry exists anywhere, and seems to be worsening, perhaps fuelled by the political and economic challenges facing the country, and also by what its composers believe is the intransigence of the Igbo.
For a region that produced and became enamoured of the sedate and languidly entertaining music of the legendary Mamman Shata and Musa Dankwairo, it is surprising that the anonymous hate song adopted the fast-paced rhythm of modern secular music and the single-stringed music of the griot, Dan Maraya Jos. It was composed to appeal to the young, insidiously indoctrinate them, and instigate them into a frenzy against the Igbo. On top of the usual animosity visited on groups who dominate retail commerce anywhere, the anonymous hate song definitely constitutes an existential threat to the commerce-inclined Igbo.
The hate song does not of course represent the opinion of the entire North, having been condemned in no uncertain terms by politicians like the former vice president Abubakar Atiku and many others, but those against whom the hate song is targeted can be forgiven if they can’t draw fine, distinguishing lines. Indeed, the hate song itself, like many other northerners, presumes the activities of pro-Biafra activists like Nnamdi Kanu to be quite and adequately representative of the entire Igbo people’s desire for an independent republic. In other words, it is not enough that stereotypes have constituted a danger to interethnic relationships; now, Nigeria must in addition contend with the almost casual and sweeping generalisations about a people. Thus when Mr Kanu began his activism, nearly the rest of the country assumed he represented both the overt and covert ambitions of the entire Igbo. The same fallacy will probably be associated with the anonymous hate song suffocating the social media, energising bigots and alarming the Igbo into circling the wagons.
The hate song does not reflect any form of fidelity to research, truth or grammar, including even the unorthodox grammar of music that takes liberties with words, meanings and rules. Its driving force is simply the unadulterated hatred it spews out against the Igbo. Not only does it tell an atrocious lie about the origins of the Igbo, and a much more incendiary distortion of the beginning of oil exploration in Nigeria, it also blames the Igbo for virtually all the economic, social and political problems confronting Nigeria. Given the rhetoric that instigated the countercoup of 1966, it is not surprising that the hate song repeated the untruth many Nigerians are conversant with, to wit, that the Igbo, rather than a few military coup plotters, orchestrated the controversial coup of January 1966. Nigeria is unlikely to ever disabuse the minds of those who blame many for the sins or actions of a few. It is the same mindset that is at the root of the disgusting racism that has permeated much of the world, and stoked slavery, colonialism, neo-imperialism and even terrorism.
To regard the anonymous hate song from the North as a variant of hate speech — which it is technically — is to dignify it and take the sting out of what is clearly the product of diseased minds. Other than the misrepresentations and misapprehensions in the song, there is nothing else in it but acidic abuse so vile that it must worry every Nigerian and make many wonder how deep and widespread such sentiments are in the North. The song is not a cry for restructuring or for any political amelioration of the fractious relationship between the peoples of Nigeria. It is a simple but horrendous provocation to war, much more violent than anything the uppity Mr Kanu has propagated or proved capable of. It is already on social media and perhaps downloaded into the private archives of many Nigerians. It will probably remain as a permanent testament to the derangement some Nigerians suffer from.
But far more disturbing are the implications of the hate song that are more intense than the lawlessness and war many people casually and fretfully imagine the song to be designed to provoke. The song is first of all primarily a reflection of the distorted and disquieting world view of many Nigerians responding inappropriately and immaturely to political and societal fissures. It is also importantly an indication of leadership failure and lethargy. The presidency’s responses to budding hate speech has been both desultory and incompetent. It not only mishandled the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) separatist campaigns by inadvertently canonising the brash and heedless Mr Kanu, it also treated hate mongers in the North with mystifying pusillanimity.
Indeed, Acting President Yemi Osinbajo has been curiously laid-back in dealing with the increasing national predilection for ethnic squabbles and bigotry. Until restructuring, however it is defined, is undertaken and the country is put on an even keel where ethnic and political differences do not threaten the polity, hate speech and separatist campaigns will continue and even intensify. Prof. Osinbajo needs to steadfastly and sure-footedly begin to combat the fratricidal and centrifugal tendencies which Nigerians are beginning to romanticise in both hate speech and self-determination campaigns. He is undoubtedly weakened by the constrictions implied by his acting presidency, unable to dare radical things, and incapable of moving against entrenched interests both in government and in powerful ethnic enclaves. However, neither silence nor his abiding interest in talking shop and philosophising about the country’s multifarious problems will tackle the burgeoning crises that confront his limited presidency.
Prof. Osinbajo must know by now that the executive bill on hate speech the government intends to forward to the National Assembly may not survive intact the withering attack and legislative whittling that often enervate bills. But beyond legislation is the fact that the government needs to act with despatch on the matters threatening to tear the country apart. One way to kick-start this is for the government to attempt an understanding of the foundations of the crises confronting the country. Nigeria operates a unitary constitution in the name of federalism. This conundrum must be addressed squarely. While President Muhammadu Buhari is widely believed to mean well for the country, assuming office with rigid ideas has led him it to adopt a non-scientific approach to governance and made him incapable of recognising the fact that politics imply accommodation and consensus. The government must return to basics, open up, run an inclusive government and extricate itself from its self-imposed cocoon.
If President Buhari delays in coming back from his medical trip, carrying out these remedial actions in his absence will tax the patience, intelligence and fortitude of Acting President Osinbajo. But needs must when the devil drives. Hopefully, the president will return soon and change his governing paradigm. If he does not return as early as Nigerians hope, and considering that there is no sentiment in government, for the fate of more than 180 million Nigerians is at stake, Prof. Osinbajo must put his shoulder to the wheel, brave the opposition, and begin to act more or less like he is president. His religion and genial disposition may make him loath to assert himself now; but he really has no choice if the country is not to go slam-bang down the hill.
It will require the canniness of an alchemist to determine whether Nigeria has left things to deteriorate for far too long than anyone can remedy. Since Prof. Osinbajo cannot don the accoutrements of a soothsayer but instead possesses only presidential powers as far as the eye can see, he must wisely begin to rely on the constitution to do what is right. Indeed, there is nothing to suggest that President Buhari will return with all the vigour of youth of his nostalgic excitement. But much more than vigour, what is paramount are the ideas and wisdom of age, of maturity, and of a visionary leader. The acting president must ask himself whether sending an executive bill on hate speech to the legislature is not a red herring when there are already enough laws to enable law enforcement agencies to arrest the purveyors of hate speech, particularly the composers of that inimitably sanguinary and unprecedented song against the Igbo.
It is shocking that a country with a police force, secret service, and Interior ministry cannot find the bilious composers of the execrable hate song against the Igbo. Is it that the law enforcement agents do not appreciate the implications? Or are they so inured to the lyrics as to place the song on the same pedestal as Mr Kanu’s infantile drivel? Mr Kanu was arrested and is being tried for a number of malfeasances. Even if the arraignment and trial are being done incompetently, at least the law is taking its course. It is inexcusable that those who gave the Igbo quit notice in June were left severely alone on the ostensible reason that it would further complicate ethnic disaffection and law enforcement. Why should anyone be surprised that hate speech merchants have taken the provocation a little higher by composing hate song? And if nothing is done still, no one should be surprised if many groups and ethnic champions take matters into their own hands in the full view of a weak, argumentative and divisive presidency.
The Interior minister, Abdulrahman Dambazzau, a retired Lt.-Gen., implausibly suggested at a press conference on Friday that the northern youths who issued the ultimatum to the Igbo disclaimed the popular interpretation of their quit notice, and that the security services, upon interaction with the evasive youths, were satisfied with their explanations. A second reading of the quit notice, however, shows convincingly that the wordings were nothing but the flip side of a long-playing hate record produced by the anonymous composers. Both the youths and the composers seemed to have worked together. That the security services put all the blame on the Igbo and appear to exonerate the northern youths is a pointer to just how deeply divided the country is. Considering the official apologia issued by the Interior minister on behalf of the northern youths, it becomes all the more urgent for Nigeria to find a way to produce a truly nationalist leader, a deus ex machina, one whose sentiments wholly transcend ethnic and religious cleavages.
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